Many believe schools and universities paid for with their taxes teach a skewed version of history and unfairly sideline the Spanish language for ideological reasons.

Much the same applies to Catalonia’s publicly-funded television and radio stations, which are seen as biased and manipulative.

Grievances held by the Spanish half of Catalonia against the region’s political elites have been nursed in silence rather than acted upon.

That all changed on October 8 when the proclamation of a Catalan republic appeared imminent.

To the bemusement of onlooking tourists, the new mass movement was born on the streets to the sound of ‘Y Viva España (And Long Live Spain)’.

Anyone who has been on holiday to the Costa del Sol will be familiar with the cheesy 1970s tune first made popular by Belgian pop star Samantha.

Sung acapella or bleared out by loudspeakers, Spanish singer Manolo Escobar’s version has been an ever-present feature at unionist rallies.

Its choice as a battle hymn was appropriate because the late Escobar’s story is typical of many of unionism’s rank and file.

Born in Spain’s poverty-stricken South, he was just 14 when he moved with his family to the Barrio de la Puñalada (Stab Town) in Badalona.

The city — which now has a population of 217,000 — is one of many post-industrial working class enclaves which make up Barcelona’s Metropolitan Area.

Throughout the 20th century migrants poured into the region from all over the Peninsula in search of work — changing it forever.

The factories are largely gone but the people remain in what has become unionism’s heartland.

Family origins are a pretty good predictor of political leaning in Catalonia.

One study found that 75% of Catalans whose two parents and four grandparents were born in Catalonia support independence.

Among those whose two parents were born elsewhere in the country support for independence dips to just 29%.

Wealth is also a factor: according to one study 66% of those earning €900-€1,200 a month are against independence while 54% of people on more than €4,000 are in favour of ditching Spain.

Not all unionists are working-class descendants of migrants from the rest of Spain.

There is a very active pro-Spanish stronghold in Barcelona’s upmarket Sarria area, for example.

Made up mainly of youngsters, it spontaneously began marching against independence in September.

There are also plenty of people who proudly boast Catalan surnames and feel as Spanish as the next man.

Some of the pro-independence movement’s key figures come from families that emigrated to Catalonia from elsewhere in Spain.

But just as Catalonia’s rural interior is the bastion of separatism, the Metropolitan Area is where unionism is strongest.

It is also where most of Catalonia’s seven million-strong population is concentrated, which could prove crucial its voters mobilise en masse for tomorrow’s Thursday’s regional elections The pro-unity movement’s great white hope at the ballot box is Ines Arrimadas, the photogenic young leader of the centre-right Citizens party.

Polling suggests she is the only pro-unity, pro-constitution candidate who has a real shot of winning the election.

The Catalan parliament’s leader of the opposition believes it would “send a very clear message to Catalonia, to the rest of Spain, and also to the world, that there isn’t, in fact, a pro-independence social majority in Catalonia”.

It would be a stunning turnaround after Catalonia teetered on the brink of breaking away less than two months ago.

On a personal note it would be even more extraordinary given that Ms Arrimadas only arrived in Catalonia in 2006.

Born 36 years ago in Jerez de la Frontera, Southern Spain, the avid FC Barcelona fan now speaks perfect Catalan and last year married a pro-independence former deputy.

Her clear efforts to integrate have not helped her to win over any others in the pro-independence movement.

During the campaign a very well-known separatist TV star branded her as a “whore” on Twitter. And a former speaker of the Catalan parliament asked her: “Why don’t you go back to Cadiz?” espite these outbursts, it is the pro-unity movement that is often suspected of harbouring fascist attitudes.

The organisers of October’s mass demonstrations, Societat Civil Catalana (Catalan Civil Society), have been openly accused by the far left of connivance with “Nazis”.

Following the overwhelming success of the October 8 rally the organisation attracted another million or so people to a second demonstration on October 29 on Barcelona’s swanky Passeig de Gracia. It also held a march on October 12 which mobilised maybe somewhere in the region of 75,000 supporters in central Barcelona’s Plaça Catalunya.

Created in 2014 as a unionist counterweight to pro-independence groups such as National Assembly of Catalonia, there is certainly an aura of mystery surrounding the organisation.

None of its leaders are particularly well-known and information on the group’s website is scarce.

Questions have also been raised about where the group is getting its money from. Its enemies claim it is backed by big business interests which wish to maintain the status quo.

Since more than 3,000 business, including some of Catalonia’s most important firms, have fled during the current crisis the claim seems plausible.

What cannot be denied is that there is an extreme right-wing element elsewhere within the pro-unity movement.

One of the chants that has become popular among hardliners is “Puigdemont to prison” in reference to the exiled former Catalan president.

Former European Parliament president Josep Borrell scolded the crowds over this on October 8.

The former Socialist minister warned from the stage: “Don’t shout like a mob at the Roman circus. Judges decide who goes to prison.” Meanwhile, Nobel prize-winning writer Mario Vargas Llosa explained to the flag-waving crowd that “nationalism has filled history with wars, blood and dead bodies”.

The Peruvian’s anti-nationalist message would definitely not have gone down well with certain elements in the crowd at the October 12 rally.

Previously referred to the Day of the Race, October 12 is now called Dia de la Hispanidad (Day of Spanishness).

In Barcelona it has typically been an annual convention for extreme right-wingers, Franco nostalgics and neo-nazis from all over Spain.

Before the rise of separatism that meant a few hundred extremists gathered on Montjuic mountain to give fascist salutes and burn the “estelada” flag of Catalan independence.

In recent years, however, celebrations have gradually gone mainstream with a rally in central Barcelona’s Plaça de Catalunya.

Their growing success attracted the more sinister elements on the far right of unionism.

This year’s rally ended with a massive brawl between Real Madrid ultras and a local gang of skinheads who have been feuding for years.

Mobile phone footage captured the moment both mobs lobbed metal chairs at each other outside the legendary Zurich cafe at the top of las Ramblas.

It provided plenty of ammo to pro-independence supporters seeking to tar everyone at the demo with the same brush.

Separatists had already dismissed the numbers attending unity rallies, claiming that many had been bussed in from outside Catalonia.

However, the naysayers and extremists are unlikely to deter the moderates who have become engaged during this year’s turmoil.

Having seen off the independence threat, at least for now, unionism will turn to sport for its fix after the elections are out of the way.

Spain’s participation in next summer’s World Cup has suddenly been thrown into doubt over claims of government meddling in Fifa business.

But despite the stand-off a “Barcelona With The National Side” campaign is in full swing on the streets of Catalonia. Volunteers spend their days going round town collecting signatures for a petition to bring Spain back to the Catalan capital after years away.

Before the historic demonstrations thus year Barcelona had only seen Spanish flags on the streets when the national team won the World Cup and two European titles.

Just as Catalan separatists have FC Barcelona as their army, Catalans who feel Spanish have La Roja as theirs.

Now that it is out of the closet, unionism will find way to stay out.

Opposition to independence

SOCIETAT CIVIL CATALANA

One of the clear winners during Catalonia’s constitutional crisis, but the question is: who are they? During the group’s presentation it promised to be “the uncomfortable Catalonia for those who want to break with Spain”.

Since its foundation in 2013 it has had four presidents in four years. Not much is known about current top man and founding member, the entrepreneur and journalist Jose Rosiñol, who rose to the top in November this year. 

Questions have been asked about the true ideology of its leaders and how it finances its activities, with very little in the way of answers.

Y VIVA ESPANA

A song first recorded in 1971 by a Belgian singer about her holiday in Spain may seem a strange choice for a political movement’s anthem. The song has been covered in many different languages and sold 40m copies worldwide. 

But late singer and all-round Spanish legend Manolo Escobar made the pasodoble-style ditty his own, turning it into an ode to the happiness of Spain’s way of life. 

A meme showing the young Escobar wearing an El Che style beret with the slogan “Manolo lives, the fight goes on” went viral at the height of the Catalan crisis this year.

INES ARRIMADAS

After becoming leader of the opposition aged just 34 in 2015, polls suggest Citizens party boss Ines Arrimadas could well become the first female president of the Catalan government. 

It would be a remarkable achievement for a young woman who only arrived in Catalonia nine years ago. Born in Jerez de la Frontera (the land of sherry), Ms Arrimadas studied law and business in Seville. 

Before joining the political fray Ms Arrimadas worked in consulting. Her pro-independence husband abandoned politics to be with her. He has joked that he will “lend” her his vote for this crucial election.