In reality, however, the real revolution – which, as ever, is a societal one - struck in ballot boxes on Friday, bringing with it far more wide-reaching implications for the nation and its future.

Despite a generally accepted belief the referendum would be too close to call, all regions, all social classes, men and women, and almost all age groups voted in their droves to repeal the eighth amendment.

A polar opposite of the 66% in favour of introducing the eighth amendment in 1983, Friday's vote shows the country has come full circle on the issue over the past 35 years.

And in the process, the vote has given Ireland not just a quick 2011-style cosmetic face lift, but - alongside the marriage equality referendum of 2015 - has irreversibly changed the country's image and crucially how politicians will now be forced to act.

The urban-rural divide, so often held up as proof of how such a small nation could have such differing social mores, crumbled on Friday, with the 63% rural yes vote almost matching its 72.3% urban equivalent.

Donegal may have narrowly voted no – placing itself in the same outlier role as Roscommon-South Leitrim in the 2015 marriage equality vote – but 39 other constituencies voted yes, including presumed no vote heartlands like Waterford, Offaly, Clare, Galway East and Cavan-Monaghan.

And while in Dublin 79.8% of people backed repeal and in Leinster it was 67.2%, the east did not carry the vote over the line, with Munster's 63.3% and Connacht-Ulster's 62% equally striking in its clear conclusions.

The age divide – which like the urban-rural divide is so often held up as an example of a divided nation – was also finally binned, with yes vote surges across all age groups.

It is true to say people over the age of 65 voted relatively safely in favour of no by 58.7% to 41.3%. However, the 41.3% yes vote in itself is significant given the subject at hand.

And, coupled with the massive yes support among 18-24-year-olds (87.6%), 25-34-year-olds (84.6%), 35-49-year-olds (72.8% and 50-64-year-olds (63.7%) there was no doubt about the public's view.

In social classes too there was little to no divide, with the middle class and working class both strongly supporting repeal - a situation underlined by the fact in Dublin Bay South two areas on either side of the class divide returned 90% and 91% yes vote results respectively.

And even in the only other usual division in polls – the male-female breakdown – the answer still remained a clear yes vote, with 65.9% of men backing repeal and 72.1% also seeking the constitutional change.

The reasons for why such a clear shift to a liberal and compassionate social view remain up for debate.

But what is not debatable is the fact this does not even seem to be a snap decision influenced solely by recent events.

According to the detailed breakdown of RTE's exit poll, 76% of the 3,000 people surveyed said they were always going to vote yes and a further 8% said Savita Halappanavar's death almost six years ago convinced them.

Just 1% referenced last year's citizens assembly ruling, another 1% the cross-party Oireachtas committee discussions, and 12% the referendum campaign itself.

In a related exit poll question one in every three people said their yes vote was because of the experiences of people they knew, meaning the core of the yes vote was always there.

With the message so clear, near-unanimous and resounding, how politicians – and one party in particular – respond to the changed ground will now be the question on everyone's lips.

The answer is simple for Fine Gael, 74.9% of whose supporters told the exit poll they backed repeal; Sinn Féin (74.5%); Labour (80.3%); the Greens (88.9%); and Solidarity-People Before Profit (82.1%).

However, for Fianna Fáil and Micheal Martin the response is far more complicated.

While the yes vote is a major fillip for Mr Martin's yes vote call, it remains unclear if all of his TDs and senators who voted no will fall into line.

And even more importantly, given the fact 50.3% of Fianna Fáil supporters voted no, there is a legitimate question over whether the party's core base even wants them to do so.

Seven years on from Enda Kenny's claimed political revolution, genuine social change has finally reached Irish shores.

All sections of the public have adapted already. Now it is up to politicians to follow suit.